Mattingly suggests issues such as abortion weigh more heavily on the decisions of “moral conservatives” than do issues of race.
The connection between white religious conservatives and racism is one I’ve been wrestling with lately in a book chapter I’m working on. In the 1974 school controversy in Kanawha County, West Virginia, white conservative protesters (usually) insisted they were not racist. Yet their liberal/progressive opponents, including an investigating committee from the National Education Association, usually assumed that they were.
It was a generation ago, to be sure, but in the 1974 controversy, some book protesters did indeed seem to be motivated largely by anti-African American racism. For instance, the local Ku Klux Klan held sympathy rallies for the conservative protesters.
But other conservative protesters presented what seems to me to be solid evidence for their anti-racist conservatism. Many religious protesters, such as Karl Priest, Avis Hill, and Ezra Graley, noted the racial balance of their church communities, including African Americans in leadership roles.
More secular protesters such as Elmer Fike noted that conservatives voted in large numbers for a conservative African American candidate for the state legislature, while liberals did not.*
Many liberals dismiss all such conservative claims of anti-racism as mere window dressing. As we’ve discussed here recently, there is a long tradition among conservatives of using coded language to express racist sentiments in an apparently non-racist way.
What would it take for conservative anti-racism to be taken seriously? One comment on Mattingly’s essay noted a 2007 PhD dissertation by Inna Burdein at SUNY-Stony Brook, “Principled Conservatives or Covert Racists.” In her study, Burdein concluded that social conservatives tend to privilege racial considerations, while economic conservatives did not. In other words, Burdein found that white “moral conservatives”–what we’re calling Fundamentalist America–would tend not to vote for African American candidates.
I don’t think Mattingly would insist that all white “moral conservatives” would vote for an African American President. Some white conservatives are likely motivated by racism, to some degree. But I think Mattingly’s question is still very important. It does not seem that NPR’s story consulted work such as Burdein’s. Commentators such as David Cohen simply take for granted the preeminence of white racism in conservative politics.
*This claim is reproduced in James Hefley, Textbooks on Trial (Wheaton, IL: Victor Books, 1976), pg. 171.